Fascism: Iconic NGO: What is happening…….an extremely sinister and disturbing fascist-like movement

English: High relief of Dr. Puey Ungpakorn in ...

English: High relief of Dr. Puey Ungpakorn in the sculpture of 6 October 1976 Massacre Memorial at Thammasat University, Bangkok, Thailand. ไทย: รูปนูนสูงของ ดร. ป๋วย อึ้งภากรณ์ ในประติมากรรมรำลึกเหตุการณ์ 6 ตุลา 2519 ภายในมหาวิทยาลัยธรรมศาสตร์ ท่าพระจันทร์ กรุงเทพฯ ประเทศไทย (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Jon Ungphakorn@ungjon 9h

Jon Ungpahakorn is a famous Thai NGO who is a staunch anti Thaksin from the old days. He is the son of Puey Ungpakorn, the father of the Thai progressive civil servant movement.

Jon Ungpahakorn twittered:

What is happening is no joking matter but an extremely sinister and disturbing fascist-like movement.

A movement which through its rhetoric has captured the support of a large section of the middle-class.

An extremely dangerous movement which if able to get into power, would have little tolerance for people with differing political views.

They want to try to disable the constitution, taking the country into no-man’s land – driving us all off the
rails.

Fascism /ˈfæʃɪzəm/ is a form of radical authoritarian nationalism[1][2] that came to prominence in early 20th-century Europe. Influenced by national syndicalism, the first fascist movements emerged in Italy around World War I, combining more typically right-wing positions with elements of left-wing politics, in opposition to communism, socialism, liberal democracy and, in some cases, traditional right-wing conservatism. Although fascism is usually placed on the far right on the traditional left–right spectrum, fascists themselves and some commentators have argued that the description is inadequate.[3][4]

Fascists sought to unify their nation through a totalitarian state that promoted the mass mobilization of the national community,[5][6] and were characterized by having a vanguard party that initiated a revolutionary political movement aiming to reorganize the nation along principles according to fascist ideology.[7] Hostile to liberal democracy, socialism, and communism, fascist movements shared certain common features, including the veneration of the state, a devotion to a strong leader, and an emphasis on ultranationalism and militarism. Fascism views political violence, war, and imperialism as a means to achieve national rejuvenation[5][8][9][10] and asserts that stronger nations have the right to expand their territory by displacing weaker nations.[11]

Fascist ideology consistently invokes the primacy of the state. Leaders such as Benito Mussolini in Italy and Adolf Hitler in Germany embodied the state and claimed undisputable power. Fascism borrowed theories and terminology from socialism but applied them to what it saw as the more significant conflict between nations and races rather than to class conflict, and focused on ending the divisions between classes within the nation.[12] It advocates a mixed economy, with the principal goal of achieving autarky to secure national self-sufficiency and independence through protectionist and interventionist economic policies.[13] Fascism supports what is sometimes called a Third Position between capitalism and Marxist socialism.[14]

Following World War II, few parties have openly described themselves as fascist, and the term is usually used pejoratively by political opponents. The terms neo-fascist or post-fascist are sometimes applied more formally to describe parties of the far right with ideological similarities to, or roots in, 20th century fascist movements respectively.

2 thoughts on “Fascism: Iconic NGO: What is happening…….an extremely sinister and disturbing fascist-like movement

  1. yes and i am so sorry for thaipeople they cant see it,please go out to the country and tell them
    a swiss man suffer on the bottom of is heart.

  2. In looking at the Thai political economy right now, it’s important to view the links between politics and economics under the Suthep proposed form of government. Elite families politically also have economic interests that dominate the nation. Therefore the form of government that emerges is unquestionably a traditional (hereditary) form of governance that doesn’t in fact adhere to a rational form through law and democratic process. Large corporations will be allowed in this system to dominate the economy and proposals for a sustainable, energy independent Thailand or for Thai forest convservation, for example, are under Suthep headed nowhere. Most importantly, wages will be kept down in order to conserve the social order and status which has a huge gap between rich and poor. So laborers will not gain a share in the riches of Thailand and will be exploited economically and, in some cases, sexually. The Labor Court, so called, is about making justice so slow that noone will have any hope for legal recourse or protection from the law unless the situation plays into the hands of the game of a competing elite family that wants to push a competitor out of the way. This is in direct violation of the basic tenets of the United Nations. If I had a bad boy at the party of the UN, I would certainly ask them to leave.

    Does a democratically elected government of representatives of the people (representatives being the mafia families that control local politics and who election after election continue to hold on to local power) offer a more positive economic future? In part, yes. Minimum wages stand to improve. There will be openings for cilvil service reform and a constitution with protections of fundamental human rights will be given lip service and the most extreme cases tried in courts. However, control of the courts by political powers of all sorts makes suits at times seem like a matter of the highest bidder. There is no independent court, really, and there is a serious lack of ‘law enforcers’ in the popular form of government in Thailand (the one that gets reelected each time). Can this form of government protect rights, enhance workers, reclaim and protect the environment, make the nation more self-sufficient and hem in the unbridled capitalism of the elitist companies. Can a new form of company emerge in Thailand that is cooperative and truly shares the fruits of production? Can local government become a place of citizen cooperation for improving the quality of life of all? Can the defence of Thailand as a nation be done without oppression and exploitation such as in the South or along border regions?

    It is these latter issues that Thai daughters and sons, even the saavy ‘luk krung,’ will need to address through organizing things in a new way. For that, I have some hope for Thailand. It’s still a place to stay and be happy.

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